The month of June when we observe Father's Day is a good time to review some of the injustices committed against 
fathers  by family courts. Family courts routinely deprive divorced fathers not  only of their own children, but even many constitutional rights.
For example, do you think judges should have the power to decide to  which religion your children must belong and which churches they may be  prohibited from attending? In December 2009 a Chicago judge did exactly  that.
Cook County Circuit Judge Edward Jordan issued a restraining order to  prohibit Joseph Reyes from taking his three-year-old daughter to any  non-Jewish religious activities because his ex-wife argued that would  contribute to "the emotional detriment of the child." Mrs. Rebecca Reyes  wants to raise her daughter in the Jewish religion, and the judge sided  with the mother. Joseph Reyes' divorce attorney, Joel Brodsky, when he  saw the judge's restraining order, said, "I almost fell off my chair. I  thought maybe we were in Afghanistan and this was the Taliban."
Mr. Reyes took his daughter to church anyway and let the Chicago media  know about it. Soon he was back in court to be prosecuted for contempt  in violating the family court order. The good news is that Reyes,  fortunately, drew another Cook County judge, Renee Goldfarb, who ruled  on April 13, 2010 that Reyes can take his daughter to "church services  during his visitation time if he so chooses." Judge Goldfarb said her  decision to let Reyes take his daughter to church was based on "the best  interest of the child," but then criticized Reyes for going public with  his case.
This case is a good illustration of the dictatorial power of the family  courts. Both judges purported to decide what church a child can attend  based on the judge's personal opinion about what is "the best interest  of the child." The choice of a church should be none of the government's  business, even if the parents are divorced, and "best interest" should  be decided by parents, not judges.
Not only did the family court try to take away a father's parental  rights and his freedom of religion rights, but also his First Amendment  free-speech rights. The second judge severely criticized Reyes for  telling the media about his case. But publicity was the reason the  family court backtracked from sending Reyes to jail for violating the  restraining order. It's important to shine the light of publicity on the  outrageous denial of parental rights by the family courts.
In another divorce case last year, a  family court in New Hampshire (where the state motto is "Live Free or  Die") ordered ten-year-old Amanda Kurowski to quit being homeschooled by  her mother and instead to attend fifth grade in the local public  school. Judge Lucinda V. Sadler approved the court-appointed expert's  view that Amanda "appeared to reflect her mother's rigidity on questions  of faith" and that Amanda "would be best served by exposure to multiple  points of view."
Where did family court judges get the  power to decide what church and what school the children of divorced  parents must attend? Family court judges have amassed this extraordinary  power by co-opting and changing the definition of a time-honored  concept: "
the best interest of the child."
This rule originally came from English common law as compiled by William  Blackstone in 1765, and meant that parents are presumed to act in their  own children's best interest. For centuries, English and American  courts honored parents' rights by recognizing the legal presumption that  the best interest of a child is whatever a fit parent says it is, and  should not be second-guessed by a judge.
However, when U.S. state legislatures revised their family-law statutes  in the 1970s, the "best interest of the child" became disconnected from  parents' decisions. Family courts assumed the discretion to decide the  best interest of children of divorced and unmarried parents, and enforce  their opinions by using their power to send fathers to jail and to tell  them how they must spend their money.
The notion that persons other than parents should decide what is in a  child's best interest is illustrated by the slogan "it takes a village  to raise a child." Those who use that slogan understand "village" to  mean government officials and employees of the courts, the public  schools, and the departments of children and family services.   
The "best interest" rule is totally subjective; it's a matter of  individual opinion. Parents make thousands of decisions about their  children, and should have the right to make their decisions even if they  contravene so-called experts. Whether the decision is big (such as  where to go to church or school), or small (such as playing baseball or  soccer), there is no objective way to say which is "best."
Since judges are supposed to base their decisions on evidence presented  in open court, and there is no objective basis for deciding thousands of  questions involved in raising a child, judges often call on the  testimony of expert witnesses. A big industry has grown up of  psychologists, psychiatrists, social workers, custody evaluators, and  counselors who are eager to collect fees for giving their opinions.  Having opinions produced by persons with academic degrees is a way to  make subjective and arbitrary judgments appear objective. With the  volume of cases coming through family courts, judges can evade  responsibility for controversial decisions by rubber-stamping opinions  of these court-appointed experts.
Sometimes these rulings are against women, but most decisions are  against men, especially fathers. It's time to call a halt to the  practice of letting family court judges make decisions that are  rightfully the prerogative of parents.   
Putting Men in Debtors' Prisons   Did you know that a family court can  order a man to reimburse the government for the welfare money, falsely  called "child support," which was paid to the mother of a child to whom  he is not related? Did you know that, if he doesn't pay, a judge can  sentence him to debtor's prison without ever letting him have a jury  trial? 
Did you know that debtor's prisons (putting men in prison because they  can't pay a debt) were abolished in the United States even before we  abolished slavery, but that they exist today to punish men who are too  poor to pay what is falsely called "child support"?
Did you know that when corporations can't pay their debts, they can take  bankruptcy, which means they pay off their debts for pennies on the  dollar, but a man can never get an alleged "child support" debt forgiven  or reduced, even if he is out of a job, penniless and homeless,  medically incapacitated, incarcerated (justly or unjustly), can't afford  a lawyer, serving in our Armed Forces overseas, or never owed the money  in the first place?
Did you know that when a woman applying for welfare handouts lies about  who is the father of her child, she is never prosecuted for perjury? Did  you know that judges can refuse to accept DNA evidence showing that the  man she accuses is not the father? Did you know that alleged "child  support" has nothing to do with supporting a child because the mother  has no obligation to spend even one dollar of it on a child, and in many  cases none of the "support" money ever gets to a child because it goes  to fatten the payroll of the child-support bureaucracy? These are among  the injustices that the feminists, and their docile liberal male allies,  have inflicted on men.
Most of these family court injustices are caused by the 
Bradley Amendment,  named for its sponsor former Democratic Senator from New Jersey and  presidential candidate Bill Bradley. That 1986 federal law prohibits  retroactive reduction of alleged "child support" even in the  circumstances listed above. The Bradley law denies bankruptcy  protections, overrides all statutes of limitation, and forbids judicial  consideration of obvious inability to pay. Most Bradley-law victims  never come to national attention because, as Bernard Goldberg wrote in  his book 
Bias, mainstream media toe the feminist propaganda line,  denigrating men, especially fathers, and using the epithet "deadbeat  dads."
But one egregious case did make news in 2009. 
Frank Hatley  was in a Georgia jail for more than a year for failure to pay alleged  "child support" even though a DNA test nine years earlier, plus a second  one in 2009, proved that he is not the father. His ex-girlfriend had  lied and claimed he was. The August 21, 2001 court order, signed by  Judge Dane Perkins, acknowledged that Hatley is not the father, but  nevertheless ordered him to continue paying and never told him he could  have a court-appointed lawyer if he could not afford one. 
Hatley subsequently paid the government (not the mom or child) thousands  of dollars in "child support." Even after he was laid off from his job  unloading charcoal grills from shipping containers and reduced to living  in his car, he continued making payments out of his unemployment  benefits.
But he didn't pay enough to satisfy the avaricious child-support  bureaucrats, so Judge Perkins ruled Hatley in contempt of court and sent  him to jail without any jury trial. With the help of a Legal Services 
lawyer, he was 
released  from jail and relieved from future assessments, but (because of the  Bradley Amendment) the government demanded that Hatley continue paying  at the rate of $250 a month until he paid off the $16,398 debt the  government claimed he accumulated earlier (even though the court then  knew he was not the father). He paid the debt down to $10,000 but was  jailed for six months in 2006 for falling behind on payments during a  period of unemployment. When he became unemployed and homeless in 2008,  he was jailed again. 
Altogether, Hatley paid so-called "child support" for 13 years and spent  13 months in jail because of a woman's lie, the Bradley Amendment, the  ruthless "child support" bureaucracy, and the bias of the family court  against fathers.
In 2009, the court relieved Hatley of any future child support payments  (probably because of press publicity about this case) but did not  restore his driver's license. This system is morally and  constitutionally wrong and the Bradley Amendment is particularly evil,  yet all authorities say the court orders were lawful.
Another type of feminist indignity is  the use in divorce cases of false allegations of child sexual abuse in  order to gain child custody and the financial windfall that goes with  it. Former Vancouver, Washington, police Officer 
Ray Spencer  spent nearly 20 years in prison after being convicted of molesting his  two children who are now adults and say it never happened.  
The son, who was 9 years old at the time, was questioned, alone, for  months until he said he had been abused in order to get the interrogator  to leave him alone. The daughter, who was then age 5, said she talked  to the interrogator after he gave her ice cream.
There were many other violations of due process in Spencer's trial, such  as prosecutors withholding medical exams that showed no evidence of  abuse, and his court-appointed lawyer failing to prepare a defense, but  the judge nevertheless sentenced Spencer to two life terms in prison  plus 14 years. Spencer was five times denied parole because he refused  to admit guilt, a customary parole practice that is maliciously designed  to save face for prosecutors who prosecute innocent men.
 Depriving Men of Constitutional Rights  Family courts routinely deprive men of  their fundamental right to parent their own children, by charging them  with a wide variety of trivial offenses. Family courts generally uphold  feminists' demands to kick a man out of his own home, and take control  of their children and his money, based on a woman's unsubstantiated  allegations. The principal tactics in this racket are domestic violence  accusations and court-issued restraining orders.
The 
Violence Against Women Act  (VAWA) was passed in 1994 as a payoff to the radical feminists for  helping to elect Bill Clinton President in 1992. Personal sponsorship of  this law was taken over by then-Senator Joe Biden.
VAWA shows the hypocrisy of noisy feminist demands that we kowtow to  their ideology of gender neutrality, to their claim that there is no  difference between male and female, and to their opposition to  stereotyping and gender profiling. There is nothing sex neutral about  VAWA. It is based on the proposition that there are, indeed, innate  gender differences: men are naturally batterers and women are naturally  victims. VAWA is not designed to eliminate or punish violence, but to  punish only 
alleged violence against 
women. Most of the shelters financed by VAWA do not accept men as victims.
VAWA has been known from the getgo as "feminist pork" because it puts $1  Billion a year of U.S. taxpayers' money into the hands of the radical  feminists. They have set up shop in domestic violence shelters where  they promote divorce, marriage breakup, hatred of men, and false  accusations, while rejecting marriage counseling, reconciliation,  drug-abuse treatment, and evidence of mutual-partner abuse. There is no  investigation or accountability for the taxpayers' money spent in these  shelters.
VAWA makes taxpayers' money available to the feminists to lobby state  legislators to pass feminist laws, to train law enforcement personnel  and judges in using the laws, and to fund enforcement.   
VAWA provides the woman with free legal counsel to pursue her  allegations, but not the man to defend himself. He is on his own to find  and pay a lawyer — or struggle without one.
Feminists have changed state laws in order to get family courts to  operate on a loosey-goosey definition of family violence. It doesn't  have to be violent. It can simply be what a man says or how he looks at a  woman. It can even be what a woman thinks he might do or say.  Definitions of violence include calling your partner a naughty word,  raising your voice, causing "annoyance" or "emotional distress,"  claiming to be "fearful," or just not doing what your partner wants.
Feminists have persuaded most states to adopt 
mandatory arrest  laws. That means, when the police arrive at a disturbance and lack good  information on who is to blame, they are nevertheless legally bound to  arrest somebody. Three guesses who is usually arrested.
Feminists have lobbied most states into passing 
no-drop prosecution  laws. Those laws make the prosecutor legally bound to go forward with  prosecution even if the woman recants her charges or wants to drop them.  Studies show that women do recant or ask to drop the charges in 60% of  criminal allegations, but the law requires prosecution against the man  to proceed regardless. Along with the loss of other constitutional  rights, the man thus loses his right to confront and cross-examine his  accuser.
VAWA has a built-in incentive for the woman to make false charges of  domestic violence because she knows she will never be prosecuted for  perjury. Charging domestic violence practically guarantees she will get  custody of the children and sever forever the father's relationship with  his children even though the alleged violence had nothing whatever to  do with any abuse of the children. Judges are required to consider  allegations of domestic violence in awarding child custody, even though  no evidence of abuse was ever presented.  
 'Gamesmanship' of Restraining Orders  Family court judges issue restraining  orders virtually for the asking, without any evidence of actual domestic  violence or even threat of violence. The 
Illinois Bar Journal  (June 2005) explained how women use court-issued restraining orders as a  tool for the mother to get sole child custody and to bar the father  from visitation. In big type, the Journal proclaimed:  "Orders of  protection are designed to prevent domestic violence, but they can also  become part of the 
gamesmanship of divorce."
The "game" is that mothers can assert falsehoods or trivial complaints  against the father, in order to get a restraining order based on the  presumption that men are naturally abusers of women. Restraining orders  are in reality a tactical legal maneuver familiar to all family court  attorneys as a way to obtain an order of contempt and unfairly increase  the leverage of one side (typically the woman) in bargaining with the  other (typically the man).
The Fourth Amendment guarantees U.S. citizens the right to be "secure in  their persons, house, papers, and effects." But each year, restraining  orders are issued against at least two million men without proof or even  evidence, forcing innocent men out of their homes. In 33 states,  fathers can be thrown in jail for even a technical violation of a  restraining order, such as sending a child a birthday card or  telephoning a child on an unapproved day.
Family courts have avoided facing up to whether the restraining orders  issued against fathers are constitutional. Accused criminals enjoy a  long list of constitutional rights, but feminists have persuaded judges  to issue orders that restrain actions of non-criminal husbands and  fathers, and punish them based on flimsy, unproved accusations. Most  states do not require proof by a 
clear and convincing standard of  evidence. Even though these restraining orders are issued without the  due process required for criminal prosecutions, they carry the threat of  a prison sentence for anyone who violates them.
The 
New Jersey Law Journal reported that an instructor taught  judges to be merciless to husbands and fathers, saying, "Throw him out  on the street, give him the clothes on his back, and tell him 'See ya'  around.'"  People have a better chance to prove their innocence in  traffic court than when subjected to a restraining order.
Too often, the restraining order serves no legitimate purpose, but is  just an easy way for one spouse to get revenge or the upper hand in a  divorce or child custody dispute. Once a restraining order is issued, it  becomes nearly impossible for a father to regain custody or even get to  see his own children. That is the result even though the alleged  domestic violence (which doesn't have to be physical or proven) did not  involve the children at all.
Probably two million restraining orders are issued each year in domestic  relationships. These restraining orders almost certainly increase  violence and harm, because studies show that the safest place for adults  and children is in a home with two parents, rather than one that is  broken by a restraining order. In 1999 there were 58,200 abductions of  children by non-family members, a crime typically the direct result of  inadequate adult supervision. When an adult is ordered out of a home  based on some allegation of domestic violence, the children in that home  are no longer supervised, and victimization by crime (and accidents)  necessarily increases.
There is no evidence that the millions of restraining orders issued  annually each year increase the overall safety of the applicants or  their children, and most likely the opposite is true.
It is false to claim that because domestic violence often occurs behind  closed doors, it is somehow difficult to prove. In fact, real domestic  violence is easier to prove than most crimes. Medical record and  forensic evidence is clear and convincing for real domestic violence,  and the time and place of the crime are easy to determine, and a  restraining order may be appropriate.
What is difficult is to 
disprove false allegations of non-serious domestic violence, so a higher standard of proof is essential to sift fact from fiction.
It seems elementary that husband and fathers who are accused of crimes  by their wives or girl friends should have the same constitutional  rights accorded to any criminal, but they do not in family courts. They  are routinely denied equal treatment under law, the right to a fair  trial, the presumption of innocence until proven guilty, the right to  confront accusers, and a court-appointed lawyer when they can't afford  to hire an attorney.  
It's time to restore basic constitutional rights to husbands and fathers  and repudiate the feminist agenda that treats men as guilty unless  proven innocent.
VAWA will be coming up for  reauthorization soon, and it must be reformed. Reforming the Violence  Against Women Act (VAWA) is today's basic civil rights issue. Domestic  violence must be redefined to mean violence. State laws must be changed  to repeal mandatory arrest laws and no-drop prosecution laws. We must  eliminate the incentives for false accusations of domestic violence,  which include using restraining orders as the "gamesmanship" for  divorce, child custody, money, or ownership of the family home.
Persons accused of domestic violence, man or woman, are entitled to have  fundamental constitutional rights, including due process and  presumption of innocence until proven guilty by clear and convincing  evidence in court.
http://www.eagleforum.org/psr/2010/june10/psrjune10.html